The Fallacy Of Power
By
Kunle Sanyaolu
culled from GUARDIAN, November
19, 2006
History continues to
reenact itself around us in the absence of indication that any of us
remembered anything. It has been business as usual for political
leaders. They behave and talk as if tomorrow will never come. If only
they are able to cast their mind back slightly, they will take a second,
even a third look on Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, the country's vice president
who confessed recently of how hard a time he was going through. His
condition is not difficult to imagine.
Here is a man who for the
past seven years has been as busy as a bee. If he wasn't
accompanying the President to important occasions scheduled on a
daily basis, he would be representing the President or himself on
numerous other occasions. Back in his office, he had various
portfolios to manage, as assigned him by the President. Between
these activities are various meetings lined up daily, ranging from
Federal Executive Council meetings, to Security meetings and board
meetings of parastatals. Suddenly, these activities ceased. No
representation, no meetings, no portfolio. The vice president
confessed that he had been rendered redundant and that all he does
now is to eat and sleep. His case is so bad that no one speaks to
him from the cabinet. Members do not wish to give impression that
they are on the side of the vice president. What this means is
simply that power is transient. It is a fallacy for which no one
should delude himself. Today you are powerful and possess great
authority. Tomorrow, you are so ordinary you don't know what to do
with your time.
Atiku Abubakar's
travail is happening notwithstanding the fact that the
presidency's case against him is controversial. He was accused
and indicted by an administrative panel, of conversion and
dealing illegally with public fund. He in turn maintained that
he did nothing of such as the fund in question was intact, even
with bank interest. Abubakar has his supporters and fans, like
the president. But this hasn't reversed the slip of power from
his fingers. Certainly, the rich also cry. Abubakar is not alone
as the powerful man that finds himself without power. In the
current democratic dispensation, it happened to Diepreye
Alamieyeseigha, one time governor of Bayelsa State and acclaimed
Governor General of the Ijaw Nation. Alamieyeseigha was popular
and powerful. It was a reflection of his power that even when he
was arrested in London for alleged money laundering, he could
not believe his eyes. He learnt with shock that the
constitutional immunity that had shielded him for six years at
home against anyone accusing him of wrong-doing was not potent
in London. In fact, it was non-existent, according to the London
court in which he was arraigned. Still, DSP Alamieyeseigha was
powerful. While in detention abroad, his cabinet feared him even
more than when he was at home. It was as if he had a haunting
aura that tormented his officers. His deputy at the time,
Jonathan Goodluck was not keen to call himself acting governor.
He maintained his profile as deputy governor covering the duties
of state in the temporary absence of the governor. As if to
climax his invincibility, Alamieyeseigha miraculously showed up
in Yenagoa when he was supposed to be observing a strict bail
condition that confined him to a limited area around the London
court. There had been rumour as to how the former governor beat
the security network in London. He himself said it was an act of
God, as hundreds of Bayelsa people trooped out to the streets to
welcome him back. For all they cared, Alamieyeseigha was so
powerful the London Police could not keep him. Realising the
enormity of his action to have jumped bail, his deputy, Goodluck
actually ran away from the state as soon as the House of
Assembly started impeachment proceedings against the then
governor. However, as soon as he was pronounced impeached, even
under controversial constitutional circumstances, his authority
and power vamoosed. He became ordinary, and he was arrested and
put on trial.
As Ekiti
governor, Ayo Fayose was a powerful leader. In three years
of his rule, he did and said enough to put fear in the mind
of people. He left no one in doubt that he was in charge.
And he had been known to employ terrifying tactics to soften
his critics. Following the report of the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on him and the subsequent
decision to impeach him, Fayose was all threat. When he saw
that threat would not work, he simmered down and began to
preach on why he should not be impeached urging the state
legislators to allow good reason to prevail. As transient as
power is, Fayose lost all his bravado when power slipped
away from him. He simply disappeared when he still had
constitutional protection. Up till now, no one knows his
whereabouts. His disappearance was anticlimactic of his
tough assertions that no one could impeach him. Again, it is
a manifestation of the transient nature of power. Similar
scenarios were presented in varying degrees by the other
impeached governors, particularly, Rashidi Ladoja of Oyo and
Peter Obi of Anambra. Compared with Fayose and
Alamieyesiegha, Obi and Ladoja were less brazen. But they
still called their opponents names, only for a pall of
silence to envelope them soon after they were impeached. In
all cases, the story is the same; tough-talking governors
became meek once they lost out on power. Plateau State has
not played out differently. As in previous cases, Dariye's
impeachment process was fraught with monumental
unconstitutionality. Having lost out however, he ran away,
practically like a common criminal.
The lesson is
visible, if the political leaders will permit themselves
to see it. Governors are not going to be remembered by
how tough talking they could be, but by what they
achieve for the people in concrete terms. The irony in
most of the given examples is that the processes
surrounding them are largely in breach of the
constitution. A section of the populace cried foul, but
was unable to bring the leaders back to power. It is
late now, considering the elections on the card next
year. But if governors and the president had been wiser,
they would have devoted their entire time, energy and
state resources on developing their constituency. It is
a shame that in virtually all parts of the county, the
development of infrastructure is far from being
commensurate with money expended. It is a shame too that
the political leaders in a matter of a few years have
each amassed so much wealth that they are all
multi-millionaires and billionaires, all at the expense
of the people. Many local government chairmen deserve
public execution for their criminal neglect of their
council areas. Some of them have not built a single road
for seven years while their maintenance of existing
roads are next to nothing. As we approach 2007,
political leaders should genuinely search their
conscience as to whether they have been fair to their
subjects, and whether they are morally justified to be
seeking re-election next year. Power is transient. A
time will come in this country when each leader, no
matter the level, will be asked to account for his
stewardship. And those with unsatisfactory account will
be punished.
For those
seeking power for the sake of it, rather than for
public service, there are ample reminders in this
country that power should not be an end, but rather
a means to an end. And that end should be for the
good of the majority. It happened before, and it
will still happen. Gen. Yakubu Gowon was Nigeria's
Head of State for nine years. He relinquished power
involuntarily when he was overthrown by General
Murtala Muhammed, after his (Gowon's) infamous
declaration of 1976 being unrealistic. From the
moment he lost power, he became an ordinary Nigerian
and 1975 became realistic. Gowon's grace in the
country's polity now is that under him, the country
grew in infrastructure, things worked beautifully.
The civil service was functional. Corruption was
low. Accountability was high. The Railways worked
and the environment was much cleaner than what
presently obtains. Alhaji Shehu Shagari lost power
abruptly. He is able to keep his head high today
because, despite his shortcomings, Nigeria was much
better under him than now. When Gen. Muhammadu
Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon sacked Shagari, they too
never had time to vacate governance willingly.
Today, Idiagbon is no more while many Nigerians
still remember Buhari for his era of discipline as
well as despotic rule. Things that men do live after
them. In fact, the things do live with them in their
lifetime. Gen. Ibrahim Babangida is alive today. If
he expresses satisfaction on one thing that he
believed he did right as military president, he must
be tormented about several things he did wrong,
chief of which was the annulment of June 12, 1993
general elections, acclaimed up to now, to be the
best and freest ever in the country. Gen Sani Abacha
is dead; he too left power against his personal wish
and desire. These things happen. They will still
happen. Those presently in power should beware, in
their own interest.
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