Text of IBB Broadcast
to the Nation (June 26, 1993)
An Address By the President,
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces
of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, CRF, FSS, MNI
to the
Nation on Saturday, 26 June, 1993
"Laying the Foundation of A Viable Democracy and the Path of Honour"
Fellow Nigerians, I address you today with
a deep sense of world history and particularly of the history of our great
country. In the aftermath of the recently annulled Presidential Election, I
feel, as I believe you yourself feel, a profound sense of disappointment at the
outcome of our last efforts at laying the foundation of a viable democratic
system of government in Nigeria.
I therefore wish, on behalf of myself and members of the National Defence and
Security Council and indeed of my entire administration, to feel with my fellow
countrymen and women for the cancellation of the election. It was a rather
disappointing experience in the course of carrying through the last election of
the transition to civil rule programme.
Nigeria has come a long way since this administration assumed power and
leadership about eight years ago. In the attempt to grapple with the critical
and monumental problems and challenges of National existence and social
progress, this administration inaugurated and pursued sound and justifiable
policies and programmes of reform.
These policies and programmes have touched virtually all aspects of our national
life – the economy, political process, social structures, external relations,
bureaucracy and even the family system. I believe strongly that in
understanding, conception,
formulation and articulation, these policies and programmes are not only sound
but also comparatively unassailable. I believe too that history, with the
passage of time, would certainly score the administration high in its governance
of our country.
Let me also express my deep conviction that the core strategy and structures of
our reform policies and programmes, as enunciated in 1986/87 would, for a very
long time, remain relevant and durable in the course of changing our country
positively. I believe that at the exit of the Administration from power, we
would leave behind for
prosperity, a country with an economy, the structures of which have been turned
around for good. The average Nigerian person has come to reconcile himself with
the fact that his or her social progress remain essentially in his or her hands
in collaboration with other fellow Nigerians and not merely relying on what
government alone could provide for him or her. The days are gone for good, when
men and women trooped to government establishments for employment and for
benevolence.
This administration has built the foundation that would take Nigerians away from
their previous colonially-induced motivations and the encumbrances of
colonialism. We have laid the foundation for self-reliant economic development
and social justice. We have established a new basis in our country in which
economic liberalization would continue to flourish alongside democratic forces
and deregulated power structure. In all these, the average Nigerian person has
more than ever before this administration imbibed and assimilated the values of
hard work, resilience and self-confidence.
It is true that in the course of implementing our reform policies and programmes
and especially because of the visionary zeal with which we approached the
assignment and responded to incidental pressures of governance, we engendered a
number of social forces in the country.
This is so because we sought to challenge and transform extant social forces
which had in the past impeded growth and development of our country. We also
sought to deal with the new forces to which our programmes of action gave rise.
Thus in dealing with the dynamics of both the old and new social forces, we ran
into certain difficulties.
In particular, during the course of handling the interlocking relationships
between the old and new political forces and institutions, some problems had
arisen leading us into a number of difficulties and thereby necessitating our
having to tamper with the
rules and regulations laid down in the political programme. As a result, the
administration unwittingly attracted enormous public suspicions of its
intentions and objectives. Accordingly, we have experienced certain shortfalls
and conflicting responses to the pulls and pushes of governance in the course of
policy implementation.
I believe that areas of difficulties with the transition programme, especially
from the last quarter of 1992 to the recent cancelled presidential election,
derived primarily from the shortfalls in implementing the programmes of actions
which, though objectively taken, may have caused a deviation from the original
framework and
structure of the programme.
Fellow Nigerians, it is true that by the cancelled presidential election, we all
found the nation at a peculiar bar of history which was neither bargained for,
nor was it envisaged in the reform programmes of transition as enunciated in
1986/87. In the
circumstance, the administration had no option than to respond appropriately to
the unfortunate experience of terminating the presidential election. Our actions
are in full conformity with the original objectives of the transition to civil
programme. It was also
in conformity with the avowed commitment of the administration to advance the
cause of national unity, stability, and democracy. In annulling the presidential
election, this administration was keenly aware of its promise in November 1992
that it would disengage and institute a return to democracy on August 27, 1993.
We are
determined to keep the promise.
Since this transition, and indeed any transition, must have an end, I believe
that our transition programme should and must come to an end, honestly and
honourably.
History will bear witness that as an administration we have always striven, in
all our policy decisions, to build the foundation of lasting democracy. Lasting
democracy is not a temporary show of excitement and manipulation by an
over-articulate section of the elite and its captive audience; lasting democracy
is a permanent diet to nurture the soul of the whole nation and the political
process.
Therefore, it is logical, as we have always insisted upon, that lasting
democracy must be equated with political stability.
Informed by our sad experience of history, we require nothing short of a
foundation for lasting democracy. As an administration, we cannot afford to
leave Nigerian into a Third Republic with epileptic convulsions in its
democratic health. Nigeria must therefore confront her own reality; she must
solve her problems notwithstanding
other existing models of democracy in other parts of the world.
In my address to the nation in October 1992, when the first presidential
primaries were cancelled, I had cause to remind our country men and women that
there is nowhere iin the world in which the practice of democracy is the same,
even if the principles are similar and even for countries sharing the same
intellectual
tradition and cultural foundation. The history of our country is not the history
of any other country in the world which is either practicing advanced democracy
or struggling to lay the foundation for democracy. Yet, in spite of the
uniqueness and peculiarities of Nigeria, there are certain prerequisites which
constitute an
irreducible minimum for democracy. Such essential factors include:
A. Free and fair elections;
B. Uncoerced expression of voters preference in election;
C. Respect for electorate as unfettered final arbiter on elections;
D. Decorum and fairness on the part of the electoral umpires;
E. Absolute respect for the rule of law.
Fellow Nigerians, you would recall that it was precisely because the
presidential primaries of last year did not meet the basic requirements of free
and fair election that the Armed Forces Ruling Council, the, had good reason to
cancel those primaries. The recently annulled presidential election was
similarly afflicted by
these problems.
Even before the presidential elections, and indeed at the party conventions, we
had full knowledge of the bad signals pertaining to the enormous breach of the
rules and regulations of democracy elections. But because we were determined to
keep faith with the deadline of 27th August 1993 for the return of civil rule,
we overlooked the reported breaches. Unfortunately, these breaches continued
into the presidential election of June 12, 1993, on an even greater proportion.
There were allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad conduct leveled
against the presidential candidates but NEC went ahead and cleared them. There
were proofs as well as documented evidence of widespread use of money during the
party primaries as well as the presidential election. These were the same bad
conduct
for which the party presidential primaries of 1992 were cancelled.
Evidence available to government put the total amount of money spent by the
presidential candidates as over two billion , one hundred million naira (N2.1
billion). The use of money was again the major source of undermining the
electoral process.
Both these allegations and evidence were known to the National Defence and
Security Council before the holding of the June 12, 1993 election, the National
Defence and Security Council overlooked these areas of problems in its
determination to fulfill the promise to hand over to an elected president on due
date.
Apart from the tremendous negative use of money during the party primaries and
presidential elections, there were moral issues which were also overlooked by
the Defence and National Security Council. There were cases of documented and
confirmed conflict of interest between the government and both presidential
aspirants which would compromise their positions and responsibilities were they
to become
president. We believe that politics and government are not ends in themselves.
Rather, service and effective amelioration of the condition of our people must
remain the true purpose of politics.
It is true that the presidential election was generally seento be free, fair and
peaceful. However,there was in fact a huge array of election malpractices
virtually in all thestates of the federation before the actual voting began.
There were authenticated reports of theelection malpractices against party
agents, officials of the National ElectoralCommission and also some members of
the electorate.
If all of these were clear violations of the electoral law there were proofs of
manipulations through offer and acceptance of money and other forms of
inducement against officials of the National Electoral Commission and members of
the electorate. There were also evidence of conflict in the process of
authentication and clearance of credentials of the presidential candidates.
Indeed, up to the last few hours to the election, we continued in our earnest
steadfastness with our transition deadline, to overlook vital facts.
For example, following the council’s deliberation which followed the court
injunction suspending the election, majority of members ofthe National Defence
and Security Council supported postponement of theelection by one week. This
was to allow NEC enough time to reach all the voters, especially in the rural
areas, about the postponement. But persuaded by NEC that it was capable of
relaying the information to the entire electorate within the few hours left
before the election, the council, unfortunately, dropped the idea of shifting
the voting day. Now, we know better. The conduct of the election, the
behaviour of the candidates and post-election responses continued to elicit
signals which the nation can only ignore at its peril.
It is against the foregoing background that the administration became highly
concerned when these political conflicts and breaches were carried to the court.
It must be acknowledged that the performance of the judiciary on this occasion
was less than satisfactory. The judiciary has been the bastion of the hopes and
liberties of our citizens.
Therefore, when it became clear that the courts had become intimidated and
subjected to the manipulation of the political process, and vested interests
then the entire political system was in clear dangers.
This administration could not continue to watch the various high courts carry on
their long drawn out processes and contradictory decisions while the nation
slides into chaos.
It was under this circumstance that the National Defence and Security Council
decided that it is in the supreme interest of law and order, political stability
and peace that the presidential election be annulled. As an administration, we
have had special interest and concern not only for the immediate needs of our
society, but also in laying the foundation for generations to come.
To continue action on the basis of the June 12, 1993 election, and to proclaim
and swear in a president who encouraged a campaign of divide and rule among our
ethnic groups would have been detrimental to the survival of the Third
Republic. Our need is for peace, stability and continuity of politics in the
interest of all our people.
Fellow countrymen and women, although the National Electoral Commission and the
Centre for Democratic Studies officially invited foreign observers for the
presidential elections, the administration also considered it as important as a
democratic society, that our activities and electoral conduct must be open not
only to the citizenry of our country but also to the rest of the world. In
spite of this commitment, the administration did not and cannot accept that
foreign countries should interfere in our internal affairs and undermine our
sovereignty.
The presidential election was no an exercise imposed on Nigerians by the United
Nations or by the wishes of some global policemen of democracy. It was a
decision embarked upon independently by the government of our country and for
the interest of our country. This is because, we believe, just like other
countries, that democracy and democratization are primary values which Nigerians
should cultivate, sustain and consolidate so as to enhance freedom, liberties
and social development of the citizenry.
The actions of these foreign countries are most unfortunate and highly
regrettable. There is nowhere in the history of our country or indeed of the
third world where these countries can be said to love Nigeria or Nigerians any
more that the love we have for ourselves and for our country. Neither can they
claim to love Nigeria any more than this administration loves our country.
Accordingly, I wish to state that this administration will take necessary action
against any interest groups that seek to interfere in our internal affairs. In
this vein, I wish to place on record the appreciation of this administration for
the patience and understanding of Nigerians, the French, the Germans, the
Russians and Irish governments in the current situation. I appeal to our fellow
countrymen and women and indeed our foreign detractors that they should
cultivate proper understanding and appreciation of the peculiar historic
circumstances in the development of our country and the determination not only
of this administration but indeed of all Nigerians to resolve the current
crises.
Fellow Nigerians, the National Security and Defence Council have met several
times since the June 12, 1993 election. The council has fully deliberated not
only on our avowed commitment but also to bequeathing to posterity, a sound
economic and political base in our country and we shall do so with honour. In
our deliberations, we have also taken note of several extensive consultations
with other members of this administration, with officers and men of the Armed
Forces and will well-meaningNigerian leaders of thought. We are committed to
handing over power on 27th August 1993.
Accordingly, the National Defence and Security Council has decided that by the
end of July 1993 the two political parties, under the supervision of a
recomposed National Electoral Commission, will put in place the necessary
process for the emergence of two presidential candidates.
This shall be conducted according to the rules and regulations governing the
election of the president of the country. In this connection, government will
in consultation with the two political parties and National Electoral Commission
agree as to the best and quickest process of conducting the election.
In the light of our recent experience and, given the mood of the nation, the
National Defence and Security Council has imposed additional conditions as a way
of widening and deepening the base of electing the president and sanitizing the
electoral process. Accordingly, the candidates for the coming election must:
(1) Not be less than 50 years old.
(2) Have not been convicted of any crime;
(3) Believe, by act of faith and practice, in the corporate existence of
Nigerians;
(4) Posses records of personal, corporate and business interests which do not
conflict with the national interests;
(5) Have been registered members of either of the two political parties for at
least one year to this election.
All those previously banned from participating in the transition process other
than those with criminal records, are herebyunbanned. They can all henceforth
participate in the electoral process. This is with a view to enriching the
quality of candidature for the election and at the same time tap the leadership
resources of our country tothe fullest. The decree to this effect will be
promulgated.
Fellow Nigerians, I wish to finally acknowledge the tremendous value of your
patience and understanding, especially in the face of national provocation.
I urge you to keep faith with the commitment of this administration.
I enjoin you to keep faith with the unity, peace and stability of our country
for this is the only country that you and I can callour own. Nowhere in the
world, no matter the prompting and inducements of foreign countries, can
Nigerians ever be regarded as first class citizens. Nigeria is the only country
that we have. We must therefore renew our hope in Nigeria, and faith and
confidence in ourselves for continued growth, development and progress.
Thank you all, and God bless you.
