SOUTH-SOUTH AND THE
PRESIDENCY
by
Nsikan Ekong
Department of
Political Science,
University of
Calabar, Nigeria
culled from THISDAY , May 9, 2004
Looking at the
Nigerian political landscape critically, one cannot but admit that the Niger
Delta question will continue to linger, at least into the near future. And that
Nigeria's bellyache is not likely to find a lasting cure if the Niger Delta
question remains unanswered. It is however sad that the cause of Nigeria's
bellyache has long been diagnosed, except that it has deliberately refused to
apply the prescribed political pills.
Otherwise, Nigeria's political wobbling can simply be arrested, should we harken
to the political prescription offered by Emperor Haile Sellasie. Though this
description was later made popular by the late Reggae Maestro, Robert Nesta
Marley (aka Bob Marley) of blessed memory. And it is in the revolutionary speech
that reads in part _until the philosophy which hold one race superior, and
another inferior is finally and permanently discredited and abandoned;
everywhere will be war; that until there are no longer first class and second
class citizens of any nation; everywhere will be war' Though the speech at the
time was directed at the white imperialist, it is no doubt a universal
postulation that should prick the conscience of every repressive group, regime
and dictator anywhere in the world.
Nigeria therefore has a lesson to learn from the quotation above, if our current
search for political stability must be taken seriously. This is because the
current political arrangement in the country is not only mischievous, but
selfish and visionless. Otherwise what is the rationale behind a system where
three ethnic nationalities lord it over more than 244 other nationalities simply
because they are in majority. A system where a citizen, depending on his
cultural background cannot aspire to certain offices of the land. Yet in all
these, the Niger Delta (South-south) seems to have been offered an extra dose of
these political inequities. The people seem to have been merely regarded as the
canon fodder in the Nigeria experiment. In fact, the dangerous nomenclature of
minority has over the years become a ready tool employed in robbing Peter to pay
Paul, in a country that erroneously professes a federal system that is
supposedly fashioned after that of the United States of America.
Yet the South-south geo-political zone has over the years remained the goose
that lay the golden egg. Paradoxically it also remained the worst developed even
by Nigerian standard. Irrespective of its being the economic lifeline of the
Nigeria project, there seem to be a deliberate political will to perpetually put
the South-South down. Yet, its economic importance which dates back to the
colonial era cannot be over emphasised. Its role as the catalyst in the trade of
palm produce and groundnut between Nigeria and Europe before independence earned
it the Oil Rivers. The Niger Delta was therefore an indispensable and vocal
entity prior and after the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern
protectorates, which gave birth to Nigeria in 1914. Though it has also
ironically remained an object of political emasculation in the contraption
called Nigeria.
Conscious of this political prejudice, the region has ceaselessly remained on
the front burner of political agitation in Nigeria. More so, with the criminal
exploitation of its God-given natural resources to its detriment. At the point
when Britain was contemplating self government for the colony of Nigeria, it was
the people of the Niger Delta that led a delegation to the Constitutional
Conference of 1957, with the view to ensure that the minority rights are
entrenched in the constitution in the emerging independent Nigeria. The records
also bear witness that this move triggered the Sir Henry Willinks Commission of
Inquiry to ascertain the fears expressed by the minority tribes. Interestingly,
the commission in part, reports as follows "we were impressed by the argument
indicating that the needs of those who live in the creeks and swamps of the
Niger Delta are very different from those of the interior. We agree that it is
not easy for a Government or Legislature operating from far inland to concern
itself, or even fully understand the problems of territory where communications
are so difficult, building so expensive and education so scanty. That, however,
is not to say that a separate state is the last means of achieving the ends
desired by the people of the creeks". Therefore, though the commission
acknowledged and admitted the veracity of the fears being expressed by the
people of the Niger Delta, it conservatively turned down their legitimate
request for a separate state in the following submission, "we cannot recommend
political arrangements which would unite in one political unit the whole body of
Ijaws We [rather] suggest that there should be a Federal Board appointed to
consider the problems of the area of the Niger Delta". "However unscrupulled,
the above recommendation would have been preferable to any brash dismissal of
the fears so expressed, except that the British government lacked the political
will to ensure their recommendation of "A special Federal Territory" for the
Niger Delta people for the purpose of a focussed development. Still the major
ethnic groups weren't at home with the watery recommendation of "A special
Federal Territory", until it was further watered down to a toothless declaration
of a mere "Special Area". Since then, it is either a board or commission is
created to allay the fear of non-commitment, even when such boards only exist in
name without any practical attempt geared at tackling the problem of this
Special Area. As usual, they are still being emasculated with political
bottlenecks, while the region is left alone to groan under the yoke of
environmental degradation and extra-judicial killings of her illustrious sons
and daughters. One wonders what would've been the lot of the Niger Delta people
should the area be barren of the natural resources that is presently carrying
the full weight of Nigerian economy.
It is also on record that the first secession attempt in independent Nigeria
came from the Niger Delta region. All these are eloquent testimonies of an
oppressed and aggrieved people. A people that have been through the worst
political marginalisation in political history. Yet the Niger Delta remains the
goose that lay the golden egg. It is indeed no exaggeration that political,
economic and social data available have shown that the people of the Niger Delta
are regarded as second class in a country where it single-handedly provides over
90 per cent of its foreign earnings. Otherwise how could a country whose
derivation principle was at 100 per cent in 1953, instead of an upward review,
nose-dived to zero per cent with the shift from palm produce, groundnut and
cocoa to oil as the country's economic mainstay from where it now begins to
creep the upward scale with a snail speed of 13 per cent at present, unlike the
astronomical downward reversal. Sadly enough, these are the resources of the
hapless minority (Niger Delta) who bear the pains and brunt of oil and gas
exploration activities. It is only in Nigeria that benefit and burden do not run
together. While the Niger Delta oil is good, the people of the region are not
seen by other Nigerians as capable of primary leadership of their country.
While the list of deprivation remains inexhaustible, the people of the Niger
Delta have continued to wallow in poverty and threat of extinction, following
the inhuman exploitation of their resources. Yet the most worrisome of all this
is the outrageous manner with which the three majority tribes view political
offices in the land. They literally arrogate to themselves, the exclusive
preserve of the office of the President and other most prestigious appointments,
irrespective of the federal character principle.
And it is against this backdrop that one applauds one enduring legacy of the
late Gen. Sani Abacha's regime whose policy of balkanising the country into six
political zones could be considered as a step in the right direction. If not for
anything, it unwittingly demystified the political monopoly of the tripod. In
fact, recent political developments in the country are pointer in this
direction. At least the South-south now has the deputy speakership position in
the House of Representatives zoned to it. And the West is no longer the
exclusive of the Yoruba party. The North cannot now boast of being born to rule,
while the East now takes over the cry of marginalisation, with a bigger voice,
although it is still not yet uhuru for the Niger Delta.
After all, the Niger Delta question has remained unanswered. For instance, why
would the office of President remain the exclusive of the Hausa/Fulani, Igbo and
Yoruba? Otherwise, what is the rationale behind the ruling Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) zoning the presidency to any other geo-political zone outside the
South-south that is yet to have a feel of the exalted office, in a system that
is supposed to be running on the pillars of equity, justice, fair play and
political transparency.
If Nigeria could consider it politically expedient to preclude all other
political zones from contesting the 1998 presidential elections, but for the two
Yoruba candidates, what then is the herculean task in giving such support to the
Niger Delta people, if this is one Nigeria? If between Chief Olu Falae and Chief
Olusegun Obasanjo, head or tail Nigerians must choose a Yoruba to atone for the
1993 annulment of election results, and the eventual demise of Chief M.K.O
Abiola, what stops the Niger Delta from being so considered? Not only as the
country's breadwinner, but the only zone that is yet to have a feel of the
exalted office. After all, what is good for the goose is also good for the
gander.
It will interest Niger Delta people to know where they are lacking in occupying
the exalted seat. It is definitely not the area of proven leaders. After all,
Governor Peter Odili of Rivers State has proved such notion unfounded. His track
record as the Golden Governor in Nigeria, coming from the South-south is an
eloquent testimony that the region is equal to the task. Beside Odili, Governor
Donald Duke and Obong Victor Attah are not doing badly.
Our plea is that we've come a long way in our unflinching contribution towards
ensuring the unity, integrity, progress and indivisibility of the Nigeria
nation, and in return ask that we deserve equal opportunity in the service of
the nation. To this end, it is our prayers that the South-south should be
considered for the Presidency in the spirit of our federalism come 2007,
Nigeria's next election year.
